Good post there Smoker, NP's evangelical welfare reform movement was faulty from the outset because he simply did not take the people with him. Instead he stood behind lecturns lecturing fire and brimstone lectures and wrote columns 'about us' for white edification and virtue. He is not my elected leader, nor anyone else's and yet he continues to accept the the tag of leader. He is not.

John Altman (Professor at ANU) wrote this last Friday:

Compared with the period 1991-96, the early Howard years of 1996-2001
indicated that, in relative terms, indigenous socioeconomic status, as
measured by health, housing, education and employment indicators, was
declining. Later this year, we will have 2006 census data that will
provide evidence about how the Howard Government has fared in its later,
perhaps last, years.

The 'national emergency' declared yesterday suggests that the Howard
Government itself is not confident that it has delivered to indigenous
Australians in the period since 2001. In the meantime, ATSIC, the national
indigenous representative organisation, has been abolished and, according
to Minister Brough, it is to blame for not fixing the Aboriginal
'problem', even though its functional mandate did not include education or
health or mainstream employment, three of the Howard Government’s four
practical reconciliation planks.

The demise of ATSIC, a Senate majority, constitutional powers conferred in
1967, and a record run of budget surpluses have all given the Government
an unprecedented three-year opportunity to address indigenous disadvantage
unhampered by its imagined barriers of the previous eight years.

Chainsmoker, I am not sure that there is a future for indigenous people living indigenous culture on indigenous land. Particularly when that land is hideously remote. I think that most of us have recognised that we should be providing a reasonable level of services and the ability to find a job. This simply cant be done in remote desert communities. However simply uprooting people and moving them to a large population centre is no solution either.

Maybe providing members of remote communities with free transport to major centres, and free accommodation, for medical treatment. Maybe sponsoring the kids to boarding schools, perhaps targetting one or two schools in particular so that groups from the same community stay together for support. Then providing transport for the parents to visit them regularly. Requiring that men of working age hold a job. If there are no jobs available nearby start a fly in fly out arrangement. All costly, but of long-term benefit. I dont have a problem with throwing money at this, so long as there is a connection to long term results (and I do expect that many results wont be apparent for at least 10 years). There also needs to be consequences for non-cooperation, which is where the land penalties in particular come in. A combination of carrot and stick needs to be used.

More from Prof Altman =

It has chosen not to make significant investments in addressing indigenous backlogs and historical legacy in practical ways, in part because it has focused on the more ‘symbolic’ issues of mutual obligation, arguing repeatedly that more state intervention would just result in greater problematic dependence.

It has sought moral solace from Noel Pearson's concerns about passive
welfare 'poison' on Cape York. Howard’s ‘neoliberalism' recognises no
tension between equality and equity: it is all about assimilation,
mainstreaming, integration and normalisation, there is little room for
cultural diversity and difference or for engagement with democratically elected indigenous voices.

Indeed, 'culture' is demonised as the source from which so much
dysfunction springs forth. Again, symbolically it is Sue Gordon, the
appointed head of the appointed, not elected, National Indigenous Council,
that will head the Government’s latest taskforce with membership still to
be announced.

For a government that regularly bleats the mantra of practicality, there
is something very knee-jerk, opportunistic and impractical about the suite
of measures, and little that appears sustainable. For example, will
alcohol prohibition for six months on Aboriginal communities merely result
in problem drinkers moving to urban centres?

If there is concern about expenditure of welfare dollars on non-food
items, why choose to channel only 50% of social security income to food?
And what about privately earned income; will the state also determine how
this is spent? Will two types of dollars be issued as a regulatory
measure?

If more police are to be placed in Aboriginal communities, from where will
they be recruited and will they have requisite cross-cultural capacities
to work in communities where English is often spoken as a fourth or fifth
language? Where will police be accommodated? And if they are effective,
and the outcome is greater indigenous incarceration for whatever felony, where will indigenous prisoners that already make up 75% of the NT’s crowded prisons be locked up?

"I am not sure that there is a future for indigenous people living indigenous culture on indigenous land."

Country Gal, I'm not sure either, but for different reasons. I'm not sure because I'm a whitey from the city. I have no idea what it feels like to be black, to be Aboriginal or to live in a remote area. Anything I think I know about Aboriginal culture is probably wrong, or at least not quite right. And I share this lack of understanding with the vast majority of my fellow white Australians. Myabe all. How can any of us know what it's like to be black?

Given my ignorance I don't believe I'm in a position to decide what's best for black Australians, wherever or however they live. There may well be solutions to many of the problems you raise that we whites don't think of purely because we can't possibly understand. There may well be solutions people in black communities don't raise because they're so remote they don't know the possibilities.

A lot of the problems are associated with the remoteness I agree, but separating that land and the people to solve the problems must be one of the worst solutions we could come up with. Apart from its value as real estate and as home, that land symbolises the most significant victory Aborigines have had since 1788. Lord knows they deserve it.

Two points: we keep hearing about massive budget surpluses - apparently the federal government is rolling in dough and that's a good thing. Now we're hearing about black disadvantage and we're all in a lather about it. Everybody and his dog wants the problems fixed.

How about we put the two together and spend some of that surplus on providing the services? Run that fabulous broadband plan out to remote communities, spend the money on the hardware and infrastructure, health, education and so on for the longer term. All I see in this plan is to spend money kicking black butt for six months.

Chainsmoker, I appreciate your position. I am probably slightly up on you as though I am a "whitey", I am from the bush, and have spent time living in towns with 70%+ black population. From that point at least I do know what it is like to be in the minority.

I've seen the hopelessness and despair face to face. I've heard the whispered rumours (nothing would ever get officially reported) that once the little girls were 5 they were considered fair game by the elders. I've seen the violence and abuse that comes with addictions (to drugs, alcohol and gambling). I've seen little kids in the supermarket crying because they couldnt scrape together enough to buy a loaf of bread or a roll of homebrand toilet paper. I've seen pension day - the pokies flooded and drunks roaming the streets starting fights. I've had my home invaded by a man high and looking for more drugs.

I have also seen great senses of humour, lives well lived and children raised well. For much of my experience though, these attributes are sadly in the minority, and usually exhibited by those that were raised away from the general aboriginal community. Please note though that my experience has been with communities and individuals in country NSW. In more urban areas, this case might be significantly different.

At the end of the day, simply throwing money at this "problem" hasnt worked in the past. A new approach needs to be taken, and while I am not a fan of any politically motivated plan, the fact that we are heading towards an election will go a long way to ensure that there is at least good media scrutiny of the activities and results. This will help to stay heavy-handedness and drive results.

• WA calls on Federal Govt to reinstate Indigenous funding

http://www.abc.net.au/message/news/stories/ms_news_1963513.htm

Indigenous programs in Geraldton could struggle to provide services once the Federal Government's Community Development Employment Projects scheme ends this week.

The Government said earlier this year it would withdraw its support for the programs which provide funding to Aboriginal youth service providers to employ staff.

Initiatives such as the Yamatji Patrol and the Geraldton Streetwork Program will have to drastically cut their staff.

Premier Alan Carpenter is calling on the Prime Minister to reinstate the funding for Western Australia.

The coordinator of the Geraldton Family Advocacy Service, Cathy Maxwell, says she is not confident the Yamatji Patrol can continue to operate.

"The patrol would only run with three people which as a duty of care you cannot have because that's, you know, especially at night time or there would be nobody staffing the base," Ms Maxwell said.

The Member for Geraldton, Shane Hill, says he has been discussing the effects of the changes with the Premier and the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Michelle Roberts.

"[We have been] also talking to [Kimberley MP] Carol Martin to see what we can do as a joint effort to try and convince the Federal Government to look at other funding sources," he said.

"But let's give these very well structured groups an opportunity to apply for funding somewhere else."

"[We have been] also talking to [Kimberley MP] Carol Martin to see what we can do as a joint effort to try and convince the Federal Government to look at other funding sources," he said.

"But let's give these very well structured groups an opportunity to apply for funding somewhere else."