Thank you for your occasional reports on developments in Chile. I remember the dictatorship well and the havoc it wreaked on the lives of so many Chileans and their friends. Like many of my Chilean friends, I welcomed the Bachelet Presidency, knowing that in reality it would have many contradictions along the lines of those you describe. I also admire the social movements in America Latina generally that are emerging with strength to take their societies forwards and to respond to and even create governments that take steps towards democratic and socialist characteristics. What are the main features of a political strategy that wants to create something better than 'neoliberalism lite' but not, in doing so, provide space and opportunity for the forces of reaction and dictatorship?

In Victoria, we were fortunate to hear an interview with John Pilger today on the ABC. It is recorded and pasted here (mp3, 18 min, 3.2 Mb):

http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2007/09/19/18448562.php

John is on the hoof, giving talks in support of his new documentary, "The War on Democracy". With a bit of luck, we might even see him on Lateline or Dateline (if the programmers have enough spunk to defy the government gatekeepers).

If you can't make it to any of the screenings, a crude copy is posted on Google Video here:

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-3739500579629840148

Enjoy!

I wish them well but what the hell has this got to do with us?

Everything is connected, oh Great Goddess (salaam!).

From SMH, here:

http://www.theage.com.au/news/opinion/whitlam-turned-focus-on-to-asia/2005/11/10/1131578173705.html?page=2

Quote:

In early 1973, then attorney-general Lionel Murphy's spectacular raid on the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation set off alarm bells in Washington about the security of shared intelligence. Simultaneously, Whitlam removed Australian Secret Intelligence Service representatives in Chile working for the CIA.

He was briefed that they had merely received and paid for information, but the CIA on White House orders was disavowably destabilising Chile's economy, and paying opponents of soon-to-be-overthrown president Salvador Allende.

The most delicate issues arose over US facilities in Australia. Whitlam was fully aware of their significance under ANZUS. However, when he insouciantly allowed trustworthy Lance Barnard to retire and Jim Cairns replaced him as deputy leader, Nixon and Kissinger overreacted. They ordered a study of Australian-American relations that considered "relocating essential existing US security functions outside of Australia".

The report, now well outside the 25-year rule for releasing official documents, remains secret. It's time it was released.

Because Cairns never sought a briefing on the installations, Australia did not have to be sin-binned, as New Zealand later was over nuclear ships. It's time those who know explain why president Jimmy Carter assured Whitlam in 1977 that the US "would never again interfere in the domestic political processes of Australia".

It's time Labor looked to Whitlam's foreign policy for inspiration rather than as a cautionary tale.